Executive Findings
Six load-bearing conclusions. Every claim is taken from the published report and footnoted by page. The intent is not to inflame but to record.
The Inquiry adopts the long-standing 250,000 estimate first raised in the House of Lords and concludes the true figure is likely higher. The figure aggregates known convictions, identified victims in major inquiries, and credible extrapolation from local caseloads.
Networks transported victims between towns, supplied drugs and alcohol, recorded abuse for distribution and blackmail, and passed children between multiple adult men. The earliest case identified by the Inquiry dates to 1955.
In analysed court records and official inquiries, around 87% of those convicted in group-based CSE cases bore distinctively Muslim names; an expert estimate places the actual proportion of gang members nearer 95%. These figures describe convicted offenders in the analysed cases — not communities as a whole.
Survivors describe being told they were 'kuffar' or 'white trash' who deserved punishment. The Inquiry concludes the targeting had a clear racial and religious dimension.
Police criminalised victims and ignored repeated reports. Social services reframed organised abuse as 'lifestyle choice'. The NHS treated injuries and pregnancies without safeguarding referral. Schools excluded victims. Taxi licensing repeatedly failed.
Whistleblowing MPs were publicly condemned. Successive governments declined statutory inquiry. The Casey Report (2025) and this Inquiry have finally placed the evidence on the national record.
Figures relating to perpetrator heritage describe convicted offenders within group-based CSE cases analysed by the report. They are not claims about any community as a whole, and they are not estimates of all sexual offending in the UK. The Inquiry sets these figures against the institutional context — and the survivor testimony — that gives them meaning. Where you see a number on this site, you will see the page of the report it came from.